By O. Törnquist
The e-book summarises the critique of those methods, indicates a complete replacement framework, and indicates how the choice works in truth via a case examine of the biggest of the recent democracies, Indonesia.
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Additional resources for Assessing Dynamics of Democratisation: Transformative Politics, New Institutions, and the Case of Indonesia
1. Elitism: The first assumption about the primacy of the elite is rooted in the literature on how powerful moderate rational actors in many countries have been able to negotiate pacts with the support of international partners towards economic and political liberties and f ledgling democracy that has already been referred to. This, the arguments goes, is partly because more radical demands and popular movements have been contained and many dissident groups have been confined to activities in civil society organisations.
Following the broad general unity against the dictatorship, it was obvious that the movement had not been able to come together behind a clear-cut alternative. Some leaders and groups opted instead for linking up with the traditional politicians and largely became co-opted. Others decided to hold on to principled civil society work in usually quite scattered and single-issue-oriented groups, often held together by a specific project; often with foreign funding. The situation was best illustrated by the title of the summary analysis: ‘f loating democrats’ (Törnquist et al.
Although over the years the West became increasingly engaged in supporting human rights and liberal democracy in southern Europe, Latin America, Eastern Europe and parts of Africa, it largely neglected the scattered popular opposition to monopolisation, corruption, collusion, nepotism and expropriation of natural and other resources in Indonesia. It is true that some funding was given to the democracy movements led by students, intellectuals, dissident lawyers and journalists that emerged and developed in the late 1980s and early 1990s.