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The growing ‘internal’ demands for political reform and democratization that arose were added to by donors who were extending the remit of conditionality of aid into reform of the state itself. This took different forms, as we shall see, and stemmed at least partly from problems encountered in trying to ensure that economic adjustment conditions were being met, but extended into demands for ‘good government’, human rights and democratization. This project of ‘political conditionality’ was also given a much freer reign with the end of the Cold War, which fundamentally reshaped western interests in the developing world and 26 The European Union and Africa further limited the scope for manoeuvre of developing countries.

Nevertheless, association and the broadening range of other agreements demonstrated that the EU, under French leadership, had secured a role within the emerging architecture of North–South relations. France’s role in EU policy was vital and France’s bilateral role outside of the new Community structures continued to be crucial in terms of support for the new states and the regimes that ruled them (see Clapham 1996: 88–105). However, the Yaoundé agreements established the EU as a key player in determining the nature of relations between Europe and the former colonial territories in Africa.

The question of the colonies was the last issue to be finalized before the Treaty was agreed in February 1957 (Lister 1988: 10–18). For France and for de Gaulle, the new relationship was a means of maintaining its relationship with the African colonies, and thus helping to protect France’s increasingly dubious international standing as a world power, at a time of increasing pressure on the imperial system, and transferring some of the costs of that relationship to her new partners in the EU (Clapham 1996: 88–105; Hayter 1966; Kahler 1982a).

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